Reclaiming the American Common Good

What is Eroding this Essential Principle of Democracy?

Jan 11, 2024

a large white wall with some words on it — Photo by Etienne Girardet on Unsplash

Is the Public Good No Longer Considered a Common Good?

We have been delving into the “glue” that held United States’ democracy together in its early days. Perhaps more importantly, we have been examining how well this “glue” called the common good is holding our democracy together today in a growing, ever-more diverse American society.

Americans’ sense of the common good shows visible signs of being at least frayed, if not waning and beginning to disappear, due to an assault on it from major societal forces. It is barely mentioned today in the public square, although sadly, it used to be front and center for Americans. What is happening to our sense of the common good in America?

If we believe that to strengthen and sustain American democracy we must revive and reignite our American sense of the common good, then we need to delve deeper into it. We must go deeper into the attacks our concept of the common good is undergoing, understand them, so we can overcome them. We will begin that journey now.

It Can Work Again

Tocqueville saw American common good in action in the 1830s, so why could it not work today? Have we changed that much from Tocqueville’s time when our country was yet so young?

We have changed. Our country is moving ever forward to being a true pluralistic democracy. But being a pluralistic democracy and sharing a sense of the common good are not mutually exclusive concepts. They can co-exist, although not without some definite challenges. In the final analysis, people are people. Our basic needs and instincts remain the same- we want what our founders wanted two hundred plus years ago when they came up with the phrase based on Enlightenment thinking, We the People. And with our growing diversity, a shared sense of the common good is needed today more than ever.

Pursuing the common good can work. It has worked before, and it can work again, but we will have to talk about it, understand it, promote it, encourage it, and teach it. We must come to the realization as a nation that without the common good and the empathy that undergirds it, democracy will not work, or in the least, will not work well.

That lack of a sense of a common good has been enveloping us for many years now. We must change that. To do so, we must understand the concept of the common good, its critics, and the risk our democracy takes of losing it.

If the Common Good’s Critics Prevail

While the common good can rightfully be argued to be a democratic norm, it can also be seen as a democratic ideal and democratic value, one that underpins the concept of democracy. However, without our commitment to the common good, the need for democracy lessens. The door is then opened for some to clamor that autocracy, oligarchy, fascism, and other variants and hybrids of authoritarianism can do a more effective job of taking care of the common good on behalf of the citizens. With the common good then being exercised by the state and its leaders, instead of the citizens, the citizen is not needed because self-rule has been eliminated. Democracy vanishes. We the people are disempowered.

But belief in, adherence to, and pursuit of the common good as the vehicle by which a democracy’s citizens sustain their democracy, even though tumultuous times, has been proven throughout history. As a concept, it originated centuries ago with the writings of Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero.[1] And others besides Ayn Rand have criticized it for any number of reasons, including the “free rider problem”- that the benefits of the common good accrue to everyone in a society, even those that do not contribute to it.”[2]

Other attacks on the concept of the common good exist as well. For example, today our public education system, a democratic institution grounded in the concept of the common good, is under fire. Until the last forty years, public education was unquestionably one on the most fundamental and agreed upon components of the American common good. Today, as Schneider and Berkshire put it in their book, A Wolf at the Schoolhouse Door, “…the very idea of public education as a common good is depicted as an impingement on the freedom of individual students and their parents.”[3] Taylor argues that “…We have come to think and speak of education as primarily economic (rather than political) and individual (rather than social) in its rewards. As a consequence, growing numbers of voters care only for the education of their own children.”[4]

The common good of public education has almost been lost from the civic square. The damage it has done to the quality of public education in this country is measurable

Other Ways to Undermine the Value of the Common Good

However, there are other significant forces at work besides undermining a basic tenant of the common good like public education. These include:

Overzealous Nationalism and Patriotism- Forces such as our tendency to confuse patriotism and nationalism can periodically get in our way of finding the common good. Brooks, in his article for The Atlantic, “The Happy Patriot, the Unhappy Nationalist”, defines patriotism as “civic pride in our democratic institutions and shared culture” while he defines nationalism as “a sense of superiority or identity, defined by demographics such as race, religion, or language.” Knowing the difference between the two can make an enormous impact on a person’s perceptions as to what constitutes the common good.

A person’s patriotic pride is based on beliefs in shared culture and democratic institutions, similar to the conceptual basis that forms the common good. On the other hand, the nationalist, because their conceptual framework is sometimes based on concepts of race, religion, or language, can come to conclusions about the common good that are exclusionary, not inclusionary. This creates a type of nationalism that is the opposite of Hirsch’s view of healthy nationalism which he describes as nationalism “that creates a kindness, a feeling of relationship with one’s fellow Americans”.[5]

Reich emphasizes the compatibility of patriotism and the common good saying: “A love of country based on the common good entails obligations to other people, not to national symbols.”[6] There is nothing wrong with national symbols in and of themselves, but patriotism is grounded first in our societal interrelationships to one another woven together as a national community. Patriotism thrives on an inclusive sense of the common good amongst its citizens.

Nationalism Disguised as Religion- Another major force that can derail our ability to rally around our American idea of the common good is nationalism that combines with and is disguised as religion. The societal wreckage and warfare caused by the marriage of religion with nationalism is strewn throughout history.

One example of this occurred in Germany in the 1930s. According to Facing History (an organization that espouses using lessons of history to fight bigotry and hate), a major part of the German Protestant Church at that time “…sought to claim a central place for Christianity in Nazi Germany.”[7] Peter Fritzsche, in his book Hitler’s First Hundred Days describes the impact of German Protestant Christianity co-joining with German nationalism as Hitler came to power: “…For the overwhelming majority of Protestant churchgoers, the Nazi seizure of power was cause for immense joy. It promised to disperse the enemies gathered at the church gates while elevating the German people.”[8] Facing History goes on to describe the sequence of events that followed:

“The German Christian movement made significant changes to German Protestantism to bring it in line with Nazi racial ideology. Instead of classifying people as Christians or Jews based on their faith, as the Protestants had always done, German Christians began to classify people by racial heritage, as the Nazis did.”[9] (emphasis mine)

The Real History of America’s Founding and Christianity

Certainly, it can be argued that what happened in Germany was extreme, horrible, and is atypical. However, it can also be argued that no nation is immune from the impact of “Christian nationalism”, in whatever form that impact takes (or any form of religious nationalism, Christian or not). Christian nationalism may manifest itself differently from nation to nation, but the fundamental ideas behind it what it is and what it espouses are always the same. In this country, we have seen over the last decades this joining of political forces “gathering steam” with the religious community commonly referred to as conservative evangelical Christians. It has been dubbed “Christian nationalism”.

Today much of that conservative Christian evangelical community has gone into “overdrive”, supporting the far-right elements which now dominate the Republican Party. And in so doing, supporting Donald Trump. Many in the American Christian evangelical community seem comfortable with this, as they may have been led to believe that we are “a Christian nation”. This in turn justifies them seeing an obvious non-Christian (in his conduct) who has designated himself as our nation’s leader as “God’s will” for America. The reality is this flies in the face of the facts about our history and our founders’ intent and actions regarding the relationship between government and religion.

Our founders (many of whom were Christians, but some of the most influential were theistic rationalists[10]) were highly influenced by Enlightenment ideals of rationalism as well as intellectual and religious freedom. They defended religious freedom and tolerance “…in reaction to the religious wars of Europe.” This had an enormous impact on the American Revolution and in creating a nation without an established religion.[11] As Dr. Gregg Frazer of The Master’s University says:

“They did not intend to create a Christian nation. Not a single Founding Father made such a claim in any piece of private correspondence or any document. If they had, it would be blazoned above the entrances of countless Christian schools and we would all be inundated with emails repeating it.”[12] (emphasis mine)

Richardson corroborates Frazer’s view, pointing out that efforts to create a one religion nation, be it Christian, Muslim, or any other religion, flies in the face of our Constitution’s First Amendment regarding religion which “prohibits the free exercise thereof”. Richardson expands on this by pointing to founder James Madison of Virginia, a key thinker behind the Constitution, who had seen efforts in the colonies to create what effectively was a state religion. Madison had seen efforts, including in his home of Virginia, to arrest itinerant preachers for “attacking” colonial Virginia’s then state church. And this was Christians being intolerant of other Christians! Madison and many of his “…broad thinking neighbors had come to believe that society should “tolerate” different religious practices…and “…moved past tolerance to the belief we had the right of conscience.”[13] (emphasis mine)

America’s Toxic Fusion of Nationalism with Christianity

Nevertheless, the influence of the evangelical community in this country in shaping government policy to comport to their theological views has been considerable, especially during the Trump presidency. McKay Coppins, writing for the Atlantic cites Clemson University sociologist Andrew Whitehead who argues that Trump’s religious base “…can best be understood through the lens of Christian nationalism.” Whitehead’s research found “…that white Protestants who believe most strongly that Christianity should hold a privileged place in America’s public square are more likely than others to agree with statements such as “We must crack down on troublemakers to save our moral standards and keep law and order” and “Police officers shoot blacks more often because they are more violent than whites.”[14]

According to Coppins, Whitehead holds to the view “…that Christian nationalism is often not really about theology (and thus can’t be ascribed to all conservative churchgoers): “It’s about identity, enforcing hierarchy, and order.”[15] Consequently, to take the common good to heart, we must embrace patriotism, yet be judicious with our nationalism, not allowing it to become infected with the intolerance of Christian nationalism.

Stevens describes this intolerance this way: “…anger and racism and fear of the future have always lurked beneath the surface of the Christian right, like a menacing shark disturbing a calm ocean.”[16] The irony of this Christian nationalism is, as Stevens describes it, “…Falwell, Graham, and others are providing religious cover for moral squalor.”[17] The moral squalor Stevens refers to is the words of conduct of former president Donald Trump.

Destroying the Common Good at the Highest Level of Government

Disturbing evidence of how deeply Christian nationalism has infected the American public arena became known with the revelation of text messages between former President Trump’s Chief of Staff Mark Meadows and the spouse of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, Ginni Thomas. These texts, exchanged after Trump’s 2020 election loss, reflect an extremism based on wild conspiracy theories and biblical references alluding to Trump’s loss being tantamount to evil triumphing over good, in turn justifying some type of effort to thwart Biden’s election victory. As French puts it:

“One of the most dangerous aspects of the effort to overturn the election (i.e., of 2020) was the extent to which it was an explicitly religious cause. January 6 insurrectionists stampeded into the Senate chamber with prayers on their lips. Prominent religious leaders and leading Christian lawyers threw themselves into the effort to delay election certification or throw out the election results entirely. In the House and Senate, the congressional leaders of the effort to overturn the election included many of the Congress’s most public evangelicals.”[18] (emphasis mine)

French goes on to explain the deep damage that Christian nationalism like this does. Examine Jesus own words:

“Jesus answered, ‘My kingdom is not of this world. If My kingdom were of this world, My servants would fight, so that I should not be delivered to the Jews; but now My kingdom is not from here.”[19] (emphasis mine)

Jesus’ Own Words Testify Christian Nationalism is an Oxymoron

According to Jesus own words, so-called Christian nationalism is not even Christian. Simply examine and compare Christian nationalist dogma to the Bible, and then compare it to the American idea of the common good and its relationship to our democracy, as French does here:

“They (i.e., Meadows and Thomas) didn’t just approach the election fight with religious zeal; they approached it with an absolute conviction that they enjoyed divine sanction. The merger of faith and partisanship was damaging enough, but the merger of faith with lawlessness and even outright delusion represented a profound perversion of the role of the Christian in the public square. All too many Christians, people who are supposed to “act justly” and reject the “spirit of fear” for, among other things, “sound judgement,” panicked about the future of the country and the church and shed any form of critical thinking in favor of embracing the most outlandish of false allegations. And those Christians weren’t just the January 6 rioters. They included believers at the pinnacle of American power.”[20] (emphasis mine)

And in all the debate about whether the United States is a “Christian nation” and the role of Christian religion in our government, it is useful to keep in mind this perspective according to the words of Jesus:

“…For our citizenship is in heaven…”[21] (emphasis mine)

The Choice We Must Make- What Do We Believe is the Highest Good in a Democracy?

If we indeed come to the point of reaffirming our belief in the American version of the common good, integrating it into our national identify, and rejecting our patriotism being
taken hostage by extreme forms of nationalism, we come to a point of reckoning. Columnist Robert J. Samuelson describes that reckoning:

“We face a choice between a society where people accept modest sacrifices for a common good or a more contentious society where groups selfishly protect their own benefits.”[22] (emphasis mine)

While the concept of the common good has a huge impact on American society and its democracy’s governance, it is so simple it is easy for us to miss or take it for granted. At its essence, as Gabert advocates, the common good is comprised of “…our shared values about what we owe to one another as citizens who are bound together in the same society.”[23]

The power of the common good is that strong- it has the power to “make us” as a democratic nation. Without it, the absence of the common good can “break us” as a nation that claims to be a democracy.

But still, even with the attacks of forces such as extreme and misguided nationalism and the toxicity of religion pursuing control of government in play, the common good has persisted. It will not go away because the human heart hungers for it. Intuitively, we know that the common good is the only basis by which a democratic government can sustain itself, and create not only union, but help us strive to perfect that union to flourish as a nation. The time to recommit to the common good for our democracy’s sake is now.

It is far past time for us to make the common good common again. American democracy depends on it.

We will continue exploring topics like this gone that are not given near enough time and emphasis in our civic education efforts, if they are even taught at all.

Democracy is so important. But it’s hard to keep, and it’s easy to lose. It’s up to us, and only us, to protect it. Support democracy, become a Democratist! Spread the word!

[1] “The Common Good”, by Claire Andre and Manuel Velasquez, Markula Center for Applied Ethics, Santa Clara University, August 2, 2014, https://www.scu.edu/mcae/publications/iie/v5n1/common.html

[2] “The Common Good”, by Claire Andre and Manuel Velasquez, Markula Center for Applied Ethics, Santa Clara University, August 2, 2014, Ibid

[4] “The Virtue of an Educated Voter, by Alan Taylor, The American Scholar, September 6, 2016, Ibid

[5] How to Educate a Citizen, The Power of Shared Knowledge to Unify a Nation, by E.D. Hirsch, Jr., pg. 178, Ibid

[7] Protestant Churches and the Nazi State, Facing History, Chapter 5, pg. 1, https://www.facinghistory.org/holocaust-and-human-behavior-/chapter-5/protestant-churches-and-nazi-state

[9] Protestant Churches and the Nazi State, Facing History, Chapter 5, pg. 1, Ibid

[10] The Faith of the Founding Fathers, October 4, 2016, by Dr. Gregg Frazer, Professor of History & Political Studies, The Master’s University, https://www.masters.edu/news/the-faith-of-the-founding-fathers.html

[11] Enlightenment and Revolution, The Pluralism Project, Harvard University, https://pluralism.org/enlightenment-and-revolution

[12] The Faith of the Founding Fathers, October 4, 2016, by Dr. Gregg Frazer, Ibid

[14] “The Christians Who Loved Trump’s Stunt”, by McKay Coppins, The Atlantic, June 2, 2020, https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2020/06/trumps-biblical-spectacle-outside-st-johns-church/612529

[15] “The Christians Who Loved Trump’s Stunt”, by McKay Coppins, The Atlantic, June 2, 2020, Ibid

[16] It Was All A Lie, by Stuart Stevens, pg. 52, Ibid

[17] It Was All A Lie, by Stuart Stevens, pg. 52, Ibid

[18] “The Worst Ginni Thomas Text Wasn’t From Ginni Thomas”, by David French, The Third Rail, March 25, 2022

[19] https//:Bible Hub.com., John 18:36, New King James Version.

[20] “The Worst Ginni Thomas Text Wasn’t From Ginni Thomas”, by David French, Ibid.

[21] Phillipians 3:20, New King James Version

[22] “The Common Good”, by Claire Andre and Manuel Velasquez, Markula Center for Applied Ethics, Santa Clara University, August 2, 2014, Ibid

[23] “Restoring Our Value of Acting for the Common Good”, by Orlaine I. Gabert, Door County Pulse, June 21, 2019, Ibid

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